Gender discrimination in sex selective abortions and its transition in South Korea
Introduction
There is a traditional Korean folk saying that “one daughter is more than enough; three sons are still too few” (Song, 1983: 235, 1995: 263). Traditionally, parents have valued sons more highly than daughters in Korea. This is rooted in the belief that only sons can continue the lineage, support parents in their old age, and observe ancestor worship rites, while daughters leave home at marriage and cannot perform any of these important functions. Similar family systems have been noted in other Confucian cultures in East Asia, as well as some non-Confucian ones in South Asia. These societies have exhibited higher birth rates for boys because of prenatal female selective abortion or excess mortality of girls after birth (Choe, 1987, Croll, 2002, Das Gupta et al., 2003, Kim, 2004, Miller, 2001, Park and Cho, 1995, Sen, 1992, Sen, 2003, Zeng et al., 1993).
Since the 1980s, there has been a sharp increase in the numbers of boys per girl in East and South Asian countries.1 There are two factors driving this. The first is the spread of technology for prenatal sex selection, which reduces the psychological cost of aborting daughters. The second is that all these societies have experienced rapid fertility decline without concomitant decrease in the extent of son preference. Parents are no longer prepared to bear as many children as it takes to have a son, but they nevertheless want a son. This puts them under greater pressure to have boys within the first few births.
The case of South Korea is of special interest among these Asian countries because it has experienced the earliest and most far-reaching economic and social development. Until very recently however, gender inequalities in public and domestic life have persisted, partly encouraged by public policy support of traditional gender roles (Das Gupta et al., 2004, Kim, 2001). The low status of Korean women is reflected in the fact that Korea ranks 59th out of 85 countries in the UNDP gender empowerment measure (GEM), as opposed to a high 27th rank out of 140 countries according to the Gender Development Index (GDI)2 (United Nations Development Programme, 2005). Yet, South Korea has not been immune to social change. Over the past decade, the sex ratios at birth have normalized.
This article reviews the trends in the sex ratio at birth in Korea, and the cultural underpinnings of a preference for sons. Using the evidence of successive surveys, it then demonstrates how attitudes have changed over time. Finally, it examines how the relaxation of the traditional attitude of the preference for male children is accompanied by a reduced attention to other traditional beliefs, such as attending to auspicious birth years for female children.
Section snippets
Levels and trends in birth sex ratio in Korea
We base our analysis of birth sex ratios on official data from the Korean vital registration system. These data have been collected since 1970, and have been evaluated to be reliable since the 1980s (Choi, 1991, Kim, 1997). The sex ratio at birth (SRB) for a human population is normally around 105–106 males for every 100 females3
The tradition of preference for a male child in Korea
Historians have documented that patriarchal traditions were established in Korea sometime in the course of the Yi Dynasty (1392–1910). During the Silla Dynasty (681–918AD), daughters and sons-in-law were allowed to take the throne (Choi, 1983). In the Koryeo period (918–1392) and the early Yi Dynasty (till the time of King Sejong, 1418–1450), women were allowed to inherit a share of their parents' assets and sometimes also to perform ancestral rites (Lee, 1982). Much of this changed once
Qualitative insights into the pressures to bear sons
As discussed above, having a son is traditionally viewed as a woman's “duty,” and helps women to establish and defend their status in the household. Both men and women suffer if they do not have a son, but only women are considered “guilty” of this outcome, according to ethnographic accounts from Korea (Das Gupta et al., 2003, Kim, 1995a). Thus, women resort to all kinds of means, ranging from the newest medical technology to folk treatments, to bear a son. Even highly-educated professional
Towards a more normal sex ratio at birth
Since the mid-1990s, the sex ratio at birth in Korea has become less imbalanced (Fig. 1) hovering around 108–110 males to 100 females. While this is still considerably above the biologically normal sex ratio at birth (105–106 to 100) observed in populations around the world, it nevertheless is clearly lower than its peak of over 114 in 1990–94 in Korea (Fig. 1). The gradual shift towards less imbalanced sex ratios at birth overall is also reflected in other characteristics: a) sex ratios by the
Factors leading to a more balanced sex ratio at birth: changes in the relative value of sons and daughters
As the case study above shows, the pressure to bear sons has been reduced in recent years. Attitudinal surveys reflect this change (Table 1). In 1985, 48% of women felt it necessary to have a son, and another 19% felt that this was desirable. By 2006, the proportions had reversed: only 10% felt it was necessary, and another 39% felt it was desirable. Over the same period, the reasons given by married women for wanting a son also changed considerably (Table 2). The proportions reporting that
Conclusion
The high male to female sex ratios at birth in Korea are caused by cultural factors making for strong preference for sons. This preference is heightened by fertility decline, which reduces the number of children a woman is prepared to bear while still maintaining a strong desire for a son. The availability of technology for prenatal sex selection has made it easier to ensure having a son.
The changes wrought by modernization and development have altered the relative value of sons and daughters,
Acknowledgements
This work was supported by the Korea Research Foundation Grant funded by the Korean Government (MOEHRD) (KRF-2005-078-BS0004).
Authors thank Shailen Nandy and Prof. Kim Doo-Sub for their comments for the earlier version of this paper and Yoo Sam-Hyun for his help with map.
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