Elsevier

Aggression and Violent Behavior

Volume 17, Issue 1, January–February 2012, Pages 16-26
Aggression and Violent Behavior

On the overlap between victimization and offending: A review of the literature

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.avb.2011.09.003Get rights and content

Abstract

Theoretical and empirical research investigating victimization and offending has largely been either ‘victim-focused’ or ‘offender-focused.’ This approach ignores the potential theoretical and empirical overlap that may exist among victims and offenders, otherwise referred to as ‘victim–offenders.’ This paper provides a comprehensive review of the research that has examined the relationship between victimization and offending. The review identified 37 studies, spanning over five decades (1958–2011), that have assessed the victim–offender overlap. The empirical evidence gleaned from these studies with regard to the victim–offender overlap is robust as 31 studies found considerable support for the overlap and six additional studies found mixed/limited support. The evidence is also remarkably consistent across a diversity of analytical and statistical techniques and across historical, contemporary, cross-cultural, and international assessments of the victim–offender overlap. In addition, this overlap is identifiable among dating/intimate partners and mental health populations. Conclusions and directions for future research are also discussed.

Introduction

Of all criminological facts, to include the strong, patterned relationships between crime, age, sex, race, socioeconomic status, neighborhood disadvantage, and individual differences, perhaps none is also as consistent but less recognized as the link between offenders (offending) and victims (victimization) (Gottfredson, 1981, Maxfield, 1987). Yet, for most of its tenure, the field of criminology has tended to concentrate on the patterning and predictors of offending (offenders only) or the patterning and predictors of victimization (victims only), without due recognition and theoretical and empirical scrutiny afforded to the overlap between victims and offenders. This specific population of overlapping individuals, shown in Fig. 1, occupies an important area of research and is the focus of the current review.

This article is designed to provide readers with a broad overview of the relationship between victimization and offending. In so doing, we begin with a general presentation of the theoretical perspectives most often applied to the victim–offender overlap, and then follow this introductory material with a review of the methodological approaches that have been used to study the overlap. The article then provides both an historical and current documentation of the overlap and key research findings to include a discussion of some under-studied topics in the area such as dating violence, mental health populations, as well as cross-cultural and international studies. We close with a summary of key findings and a list of important directions for future research.

Several sociological and criminological theories attempt to explain the overlap between violent offending and violent victimization. Routine activities theory is by far the most recognizable of these theoretical perspectives (Schreck et al., 2008, Smith and Ecob, 2007, Taylor et al., 2008). The theory explains victimization and offending at the confluence of a suitable target, motivated offender, and the absence of a capable guardian. As it relates to the victim–offender overlap, the theory centers on the influence that opportunity structures and risky lifestyles have on increasing the likelihood for committing an offense or experiencing victimization.

Extending from this routine activities perspective, Osgood, Wilson, O'Malley, Bachman, and Johnston (1996) developed a theoretical framework referred to as “unstructured socializing” that has direct relevance for explaining the victim–offender overlap. Specifically, Osgood et al. argue that it is not necessarily the time, in general, that a youth spends with delinquent peers that is conducive for offending but instead the amount of time that a youth spends with delinquent peers in the absence of adult supervision that produces a situation ripe for offending (Osgood et al., 1996). Schreck, Fisher, and Miller (2004) have since reported that delinquent peers often do not provide the best source of protection from victimization. As such, the greater amount of time a youth spends with delinquent peers in the absence of adult supervision the greater their likelihood of participating in violent offending and experiencing violent victimization.

Delinquent peers can function as agents that provide an individual with tangible and intangible rewards for delinquent/criminal behavior. For instance, these peers may be able to afford the youth with an increase in social status or reputation for their involvement in delinquent/criminal activity. These peers can also serve as a readily available source to draw ‘accomplices’ or co-offenders from that make the performance of delinquency/criminal activity easier. This delinquent/criminal involvement places an individual at an elevated risk for experiencing victimization as well (Felson, 1986, Jensen and Brownfield, 1986, Mustaine and Tewksbury, 2000, Osgood et al., 1996, Sampson and Lauritsen, 1990, Schreck et al., 2008, Smith and Ecob, 2007, Taylor et al., 2008). In short, the routine activities framework provides a view of the characteristics of the situation that may increase the likelihood of victimization and offending.

Beyond the routine activities perspective, other notable sociological and criminological theories to explain the victim–offender overlap include Gottfredson and Hirschi's (1990) general theory of crime with its focus on the individual characteristic of self-control, as well as the more general set of subcultural theories (Anderson, 1999, Stewart et al., 2006). With regard to low self-control, Gottfredson and Hirschi (1990) argue that a lack of socialization leads to delinquent/criminal activity. Specifically, if a child's parents do not effectively monitor their child's behavior, recognize deviant behavior when it occurs, and punish such behavior in response to its occurrence then this failed socialization process produces an inadequately socialized youth. Inadequate socialization is viewed as the source of development for low self-control and the subsequent involvement in delinquent/criminal activity over the life course. The link between low self-control and offending has been well established in the literature (Gottfredson, 2009, Pratt and Cullen, 2000), and more recently, a number of studies have extended this theoretical perspective to account for victimization experiences (Baron et al., 2007, Forde and Kennedy, 1997, Higgins et al., 2009, Holtfreter et al., 2008, Jennings et al., 2010, Piquero et al., 2005, Schreck, 1999, Schreck et al., 2002, Stewart and Power, 2002, Stewart et al., 2006).

Comparatively, subcultural theories place an emphasis on the role culture and the environment play in creating opportunities where both victimization and offending are possible. For example, Anderson (1999) has argued that a “code-of-street” exists in minority neighborhoods where importance is placed on a might-makes-right attitude. As such, if an individual in this neighborhood who is being socialized under these prevailing cultural norms seeks to increase their status in the neighborhood then they must embrace these cultural norms and exert their physical prowess on other persons in the neighborhood. This action, in and of itself, is an event that leaves them vulnerable to being preyed on and victimized by someone else in the neighborhood who also aspires to be recognized as someone with high social status or “street credit.” A growing literature has supported the association between subcultural norms, exposure to neighborhood violence, and participation in offending and experiencing victimization (Anderson, 1999, Baskin and Sommers, 1997, Eitle and Turner, 2002, Felson, 1992, Jacobs and Wright, 2006, Kennedy and Baron, 1993, Nofziger and Kurtz, 2005, Singer, 1987, Stewart et al., 2006).

Section snippets

Methodological approaches to identifying the victim–offender overlap

Several methodological techniques have been utilized to examine the presence and magnitude of the overlap between victimization and offending. The most common method involves simple bivariate examinations of prevalence, including frequencies, correlations, cross-tabulations, Chi-squared tests, and tests of mean difference (Chang et al., 2003, Fiegelman et al., 2000, Jensen and Brownfield, 1986, Klevens et al., 2002, Kuhlhom, 1990, Mawby, 1979, Regoeczi, 2000, Savitz et al., 1977, Wolfgang, 1958

Historical documentation of the overlap

The recognition that there is a consistent relationship between victimization and offending and between victims and offenders is not a recent phenomenon, as research identifying the existence of a high-risk group that experiences both victimization and offending dates back to the middle of the 20th century. Much of this pioneering research was conducted in Philadelphia using homicide victims (Wolfgang, 1958), with many of these early studies reporting that victims were likely to have a record

Conclusions and directions for future research

This article set out to provide a broad overview of the knowledge base regarding the overlap between offenders (offending) and victims (victimization). In so doing, several theoretical perspectives were discussed, as were methodological applications and reviews of dozens of studies in the more general areas of victimization and offending, as well as among select topics including dating violence, cross-cultural and international studies, and among mental health populations. Overall findings from

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  • Cited by (0)

    1

    PhD, Professor, Program in Criminology, EPPS, University of Texas at Dallas, Adjunct Professor Key Centre for Ethics, Law, Justice, and Governance, Griffith University Australia, Co-Editor, Journal of Quantitative Criminology.

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