Successful aging research has a long history in the gerontology literature, with the central issue being the definition of successful aging. Havighurst (1961) frequently receives credit for the first conceptual definition of successful aging as a condition in which an older person experiences maximum life satisfaction without a severe cost to society. Since then, researchers in various disciplines have challenged and refined the definition of successful aging. So, is there really a good definition of “successful aging?” It appears that the answer remains undefined because the meaning of success is ambiguous, the complexity of the human aging process, and because of ongoing changes in our society and in the characteristics of the older adult population.

Overview of Successful Aging Studies

In the 1960’s, gerontologists attempted to conceptualize successful aging with major social-gerontological theories. The Kansas City Studies of Adult Life (Cumming and Henry 1961), the first longitudinal study of adult personality, contributed to the development of such major theories. In this study, 279 mostly White, middle old-age individuals were studied over a 6-year period in order to understand age-related changes in personality and coping. Derived from this study, disengagement theory suggested that successful adaptation involved mutual withdrawal between older adults and society (Cumming and Henry 1961). Then, from the same study, activity theory (Havighurst 1963; Neugarten et al. 1968) and continuity theory (Atchley 1972) were developed; activity theory indicates that successfully aged individuals continue being engaged in activities within society, whereas continuity theory postulates that the consistency of one’s patterns of thinking, behavior, and social relationships throughout the lifespan predicts successful aging. As these theories reflect, researchers seemed to define successful aging unidimensionally (i.e., successful aging may be achieved by following a single idea such as keeping active). Hooyman and Kiyak (2002) pointed out that these theories were not sufficient to explain successful aging because the concept seems more complex and also failed to consider the socio-cultural context in which aging occurs. Additionally, the main criticism of original theories of successful aging seemed to be the fact that they were based on one longitudinal study in which all the variables were pre-determined by the researchers.

The second wave of the successful aging conceptualization began with the MacArthur Foundation Research Network on Successful Aging in 1984. This interdisciplinary research team recruited 4,030 older adults aged 70–79 years from three East Coast cities. A series of physical (e.g., balance, gait) and cognitive (e.g., memory, visuospatial ability) measurements were taken, accompanied by socio-demographic questions and a health history (e.g., presence of diabetes, stroke). Based on their performance on physical and cognitive functioning, the top one-third of participants was identified (N = 1,313) as high functioning during a baseline period (1988–1989; see Berkman et al. 1993). Among these selected individuals, 1,189 (952 European Americans, 223 African Americans, and 14 other ethnic/racial minorities) participated in a follow-up study 7 years later (Berkman et al. 1993).

By reviewing the MacArthur Studies, Rowe and Kahn (1997) generated a model of successful aging. They defined successful aging as the combination of (a) low probability of disease and disability, (b) high cognitive and physical functioning, and (c) active engagement with life. The model includes physical, cognitive, psychological, and social aspects of human life and has become a prototype for the successful aging concept. It is important to note that the MacArthur Studies focused exclusively on physical and cognitive functional outcomes to define success. Further, generalizability of the findings of the MacArthur studies for culturally diverse older adults is questionable, as Asian Americans and Latinos were largely absent from the research. Holstein and Minkler (2003) provide an excellent critique of this model of successful aging, including potential assumptions and harmful consequences for those older adults who are already at risk of being marginalized, such as the poor and people of color.

Recently, Phelan et al. (2004) conducted a large-scale survey on successful aging that included Asian Americans. The concept of successful aging was examined by studying how Whites and Japanese Americans perceived the major attributes of successful aging found in the gerontological literature. Twenty three-category format questions (i.e., important—neutral—not important) were generated to reflect previously published concepts of successful aging and related areas. Based on two large geriatric longitudinal studies in Washington State, 970 Japanese Americans and 1,602 Whites were contacted by mail. The response rate was 61.2% (N = 1,173). Thirteen statements were identified as important by both groups. These items reflected physical health (two items), psychological/mental health (eight items), social health (two items), and functioning (one item). Although no statistical comparison was made, based on descriptive statistics, researchers stated that more Whites (78.6%) identified “continue to learn new things” as an additional important attribute for successful aging as compared to the Japanese American group (62.1%). Based on these findings, the researchers concluded that the concept of successful aging is multidimensional, “Specifically, older adults’ perceptions of successful aging are multidimensional, involving beliefs about physical, functional, social, and psychological health” (p. 215).

The use of qualitative methods has become more apparent in the recent international literature on successful aging. For example, older Indians in Singapore (Nagalingam 2007), the Canadian Inuit community (Collings 2001), and Leiden residents in the Netherlands (von Faber et al. 2001) have been studied. In the U.S., qualitative methodology was used in an investigation of the successful aging concept with community dwelling seniors in San Diego, California. In this study, four themes emerged: attitudes/adaptation, security/stability, health/wellness, and engagement/stimulation (Reichstadt et al. 2007). Unfortunately, the ethnic and racial background of the 72 participants of this study were not provided.

Statement of Existing Problems

Although a review of the literature in successful aging suggested a movement toward a multidimensional framework as seen in Rowe and Kahn’s (1997) and Phelan et al.’s (2004) models, both studies applied “Western” templates to study successful aging even though two decades earlier, Thomas and Chambers (1989) had criticized the bias of the original framework. Even Phelan et al.’s study that included a large group of Japanese Americans, nonetheless utilized a pre-determined research template based on attributes found in past research that did not include many ethnic minorities. As discussed by Iwamasa and Sorocco (2002, 2007), methodological biases occur when researchers use the etic approach that assumes that universal concepts apply to diverse populations rather than using an emic approach, which purposefully incorporates culturally-based concepts into the research methodology. For example, quantitative research methods are closely associated with etic perspectives because such inquiries are designed to test theories which are often generated based on middle-class Caucasian individuals. On the other hand, qualitative methods are often used to explore culture-specific ideas without using predetermined operational definitions of variables, and are thus consistent with emic research methods.

Significance of the Present Study

The current study contributes to the existing literature by applying an emic approach to study successful aging among Japanese American older adults (JAOAs). Japanese Americans are known for a remarkable longevity compared to other ethnic groups (McCormick et al. 2002; Curb et al. 1990) despite experiencing many hardships associated with immigration and World War II-related racism and internment (Fugita and Fernandez 2004; Nagata and Takeshita 2002). Unlike many western countries where old age is often viewed negatively (Butler 2009; Myers 2007; Nelson 2002), Japanese culture embraces and celebrates old age throughout older adulthood with each decade of aging having special significance: kanreki (60th birthday), koki (70th), kiju (77th), Sanju (80th), beiju (88th), sotsuju (90th), and hakuju (99th). Older Asian Americans as a group are growing rapidly and projected to grow 302% between 2000 and 2030 compared to 77% for Whites (Administration on Aging 2004). Therefore, studying JAOAs’ perceptions of successful aging has much potential merit for conceptualization of the phenomenon.

The major aim of the present study was to generate an emic model rather than verifying an existing etic model of successful aging with JAOAs. The conceptual schema obtained from the participants was then compared to the etic-based Rowe and Kahn (1997) and Phelan et al. (2004) models of successful aging.

Methods

Participants

A total of 77 Japanese American older adults were recruited from two senior facilities in Los Angeles, CA: Keiro Retirement Home (45 participants) and Seinan Senior Center (32 participants) to participate in focus groups on successful aging. As a part of community-based participatory research, staff members of both facilities served as research collaborators and promoted the study on site. Staff provided sign-up sheets with days and times they selected as being convenient to as many participants as possible. Those interested in participating signed themselves up for time slots at their convenience. In addition, many participants were recruited using a “snowball” sampling method, where participants who enjoyed participating in the study recruited additional participants from among their acquaintances at the facilities through word of mouth.

Measures

Demographic questionnaire

A brief demographic questionnaire asking about age, gender, generational status, marital status, family income, education, and internment status during World War II was developed for this study.

Acculturation scale

Suinn-Lew Asian Self-Identity Acculturation Scale-ITC version (SL-ASIA-ITC; Leong and Chou 1988) was administered in order to obtain a brief measure of participant acculturation level. The SL-ASIA-ITC, a short version of the revised SL-ASIA (SL-ASIA-R; Suinn 1998) consists of five multiple choice (from 1 = Asian-oriented to 5 = Caucasian-oriented) items regarding respondents’ language use and preference, reading ability, ethnicity of friends, and self-reported acculturation level. A total score is obtained by summing the responses and dividing it by five. The closer the acculturation score is to five, the higher the level of acculturation.

Geriatric depression scale

The Geriatric Depression Scale-Short Form (GDS-S; Sheik and Yesavage 1986), a shortened version of the GDS (GDS; Yesavage et al. 1983), contains 15 “yes–no” items, has been shown to be an effective screening measure with five or lower cut-off points, and has been shown to be highly correlated with the original measure (Sheik & Yesavage). The GDS-S was reported to be a reliable and valid screening tool for major depression with community dwelling older adults with different age, gender ethnicity, and chronic illness status (Nyunt et al. 2009).

Procedure

Prior to completion of this study, the first author, a third generation Japanese American, had developed collaborative relationships with staff and members at both study sites over a number of years. She spent considerable time at each facility several times a year, not only talking with staff and members, but also participating in classes and activities offered at both, and providing presentations on topics of interest to members (e.g., Alzheimer’s Disease, holiday blues, etc.). Prior to the implementation of this study, several studies based upon data collected at the study sites had been published and shared with both agencies, typically through presentations with handouts. Additionally, pilot testing of the current study’s methodology was conducted in the year prior to the current data collection in order to confirm and refine processes and procedures used in this study.

Upon arrival at the study sites, participants received packets containing the following materials: (a) general information about the study (i.e., purpose, format, length, informed consent, and honorarium); (b) the demographic questionnaire; (c) the SL-ASIA-ITC; and (d) the GDS-S. The GDS-S was use as a screening measure for depression. Four participants who scored five or higher were identified. After consulting the staff members at Keiro Retirement Home and Seinan Senior Center involved with the study and speaking with potential participants, the first author determined they were not depressed, and allowed them to participate. The SL ASIA-ITC and demographic questionnaires were administered for descriptive purposes. A consent form was signed after receiving adequate information to make a decision about study participation.

A focus group methodology was then employed throughout the research (Morgan and Krueger 1993; National Pacific/Asian Resource Center on Aging 1989). This qualitative methodology was selected because of our primary aim to explore the concept of successful aging without imposing predetermined ideas and also to assess the extent that Japanese culture would affect the conceptualization. The focus group method allows generation of participant-based thoughts and ideas and facilitates verbal interaction among participants in order to expand and clarify the concepts being shared. Because of the possibility of participants adhering to traditional Japanese sex-roles, gender-specific groups were formed in order to avoid hesitancy and reluctance to share one’s opinion in front of the other gender. A total of ten groups were formed; three groups for men and seven groups for women. Each group consisted of 5–9 participants.

Following a consistent protocol developed through pilot testing of the current study, the first author, a younger Japanese American researcher, led all ten focus groups, asking the older and more experienced Japanese American seniors to share their opinions and experiences on aging and successful aging. Two male groups and one female group were conducted mainly in Japanese due to the majority of the language preferences participants indicated in SL-ASIA. All participants were encouraged to speak the language in which they felt most comfortable, and switching back and forth between English and Japanese also was encouraged, as some participants felt certain phrases and expressions were best conveyed in a certain language. For all groups, the same bilingual research assistant served as an interpreter to minimize any communication barriers. This methodology enriched the interaction between participants, allowing the facilitator to remain “a participant observer” to a large degree, throughout the focus groups.

Groups began with a word association task: “What comes to mind when you hear the phrase, successful aging?” After the sharing of initial responses, the facilitator asked, “What are the characteristics of a Japanese American older adult who is aging successfully?” Participants were encouraged to share personal stories, build on others’ responses, and generate further ideas. At times, participants were prompted to share specific examples. Groups lasted from 60–110 min. At each group, refreshments were provided and participants often remained to socialize after the group concluded. All participants received $25 for their participation, many of whom donated their honoraria to the sites, an example of the Japanese American value of giving back to the community. In addition, honoraria of $3,000 were provided to each site.

All focus group discussions were tape-recorded and transcribed for data analysis. Two bilingual research assistants served as translators and transcribers. Translated transcriptions were double-checked by both research assistants to ensure accuracy.

Data analysis

Descriptive statistics were conducted on various demographic variables and on the acculturation and depression measure. For each analysis, missing cases were excluded. Data from the focus groups were analyzed using the grounded theory approach (Glaser and Strauss 1967; Strauss and Corbin 1990). The grounded theory approach is often used for model development which involves the open coding of transcriptions, categorizing of the codes, and then examining the relationships among the categories. Using the longest focus group transcription, the first author and two bilingual research assistants began the process of open coding with each individual response coded according to the question of “what is this about?” After the initial coding was completed, the remaining transcriptions were coded separately, one by one. During the coding process, constant comparative analyses among the three coders were conducted, and differences in coding were discussed until consensus was reached. This process leads to continued categorization and sometimes the collapsing of categories, until all the transcripts were coded. Then the relationships between categories were examined and common themes generated. The obtained conceptual schema was then compared to the Rowe and Kahn’s (1997) and Phelan et al.’s (2004) frameworks of successful aging.

Results

Descriptive information

The mean age of participants was 78.3 years (SD = 8.5) with a range of 55–96 years. Two participants did not specify their age (2.6%). Mean age across the two sites were similar. Fifty-three participants were women and the percentage of men and women across both sites was roughly similar. Educational level included 48% high school graduates, and an additional 38% whose educational level was a college degree or higher. The majority of the participants were Nisei (2nd generation, 69%). The remainder of the participants were Issei (1st generation, 25%); Sansei (3rd generation, 5%); and Unspecified (1%). Almost half of participants (46%) were interned during WWII. Table 1 presents a summary of the demographic characteristics.

Table 1 Summary of descriptive statistics
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Fairly high internal consistency coefficients were obtained for the SL-ASIA-ITC: α = .87 and the mean was 2.9 (SD = .97), indicating that most participants were moderately acculturated, which is consistent with the range of generational status of the participants. The mean score of GDS-S was 1.6 (SD = 1.79). Four participants scored higher than the recommended cut-off score (score of >5). The elevated GDS-S score of the four individuals was likely due to translation of the GDS-S as evidenced by somewhat weak internal consistency (KR-20 = .63) of our Japanese-translation version of the GDS-S, and each participants’ verbal denial that they were depressed. All participants showed interest in participating in a group discussion, and no participants appeared to be depressed as observed by the facilitator, research assistant and on-site staff.

Perceptions of successful aging

A major theme that emerged from the present study with Japanese American Older Adults (JAOAs) was that successful aging involves optimal functioning in multiple areas with different degrees of emphasis. Participants described successful aging in terms of physical, psychological, cognitive and social functioning, spirituality, and financial security. Across these dimensions, participants shared both culturally-universal themes (i.e., ideas which were commonly known to the general American population) and culture-specific themes (i.e., ideas specific to Japanese culture). Figure 1 represents a visual model generated from the present study. Table 2 provides examples of each dimension and comparisons to the dimensions from Rowe and Kahn (1997) and Phelan et al. (2004).

Fig. 1
figure 1

multidimensional model of successful aging

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Table 2 Multidimensional model of successful aging and comparison to Rowe and Khan’s (1997) and Phelan et al.’s (2004) models
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Dimensions of successful aging

Physical functioning

Physical functioning was the most predominant dimension (or theme) of successful aging. Most initial responses from the word association task for successful aging were related to physical functioning that captured a number of subcategories such as health, diet, exercise, activities, and physical appearance. Specific examples of this dimension included “keeping good health,” “not having difficulties in…like medical difficulties,” “exercising,” “living every day with regular routines,” and “eat healthy.”

During the group discussion, many culturally unique ideas regarding physical functioning were reported. Regardless of acculturation level, many JAOAs spoke of the traditional Japanese diet that is known to be low fat, emphasizes non-animal protein, and is rich in fiber as being important to successful aging. Examples include “every one of us eats rice,” “eat a lot of fish instead of meat,” “Misoshiru (a soybean-based soup), tofu, tea…,” “umeboshi (dried plum),” and “…all vegetable…okra.” The link between a Japanese diet and health was highlighted during group discussion particularly from the women’s (53%) groups.

Participant A: “I think that we have to give Asian women a lot of credit…they are not obese as Caucasians. We have less obesity…I think because we watch our diet and we don’t overeat.”

Participant B: “[Be] active.”

Participant A: “That’s it.”

Participant C: “It’s the nature, that’s what I think. I stayed in Japan for a long time, and I never seen chubby Japanese women until I came [to the] United States. Japanese women come over here, all gain weight.”

Participant B: “You know in the news, they did say that especially in Japan, there are very healthy people because of what they are eating.”

Participant C: “A lot of fish, vegetables, soy…”

JAOA women also commented on physical appearance as an important factor for aging successfully. They made statements including, “dressing up without thinking [about] our age,” or “…dress and act younger.” However, even in a men’s focus group, a participant talked about his 80-year old mother who refused to wear a shirt given to her because she thought only old ladies wore such a shirt.

The importance of physical health was highlighted repeatedly in all groups regardless of gender, as seen in the following comments made by a Japanese-speaking male participant:

“The most ideal thing is to keep healthy. Health. This is the most important thing. If you are healthy, you don’t have any worries. If we are physically weak, we tend to worry about the future such as having to go to a nursing home. Then, we start worrying about leaving our friends behind. We start worrying about one after another.”

Psychological functioning

Psychological functioning was another major dimension of successful aging as evidenced by the frequency of comments and discussion throughout various phases of the study. This dimension consists of subcategories reflecting positive affect and attitudes, maintenance of independence, willingness to change, and openness to new experiences. Phrases such as “Being happy,” “Being optimistic,” “Not to complain all the time,” and “You got to smile all the time and laugh” are specific participant examples of positive affect and attitudes. The following story from a male participant represents the importance of maintaining independence, willingness to change, and openness to new experiences:

“My wife passed away about 8 years ago. My son lives in New York. So, I live by myself. I try to do everything all [I] can. I’m living at home, my own home. I have to write all the checks, I do all of cooking…and I do the housework. If you name it, I do it all.”

In addition, culture-specific psychological concepts were discussed. In many groups, participants spoke of what their parents used to teach them about Japanese values such as, “Don’t bring shame (haji) to the family,” “We were always told to endure, gaman (endurance, perseverance),” and “nintai (patience).” Other concepts such as sensitivity to others’ needs (e.g., “Consider other people’s feeling more”), shikata ga nai (there is nothing we can do about it), no monku (no complaints), and gambare (hang in there) also were frequently mentioned in the discussion of JAOAs who have aged successfully. The following is an example of Japanese American-specific psychological values from one of the men’s groups. Participants were discussing the unconstitutional incarceration of Japanese Americans in concentration camps during WWII and the resulting loss of property, valuables and belongings:

Participant A: “Well, a lot of people didn’t have homes. They had to sell [that] to another party, you know, I know my father had to…”

Participant B (nodding): “They had to accept it.”

Participant C: “Everything was gaman (endurance, perseverance).”

Participant B: “You got to accept it [because] you can do nothing about it [shikata ga nai].”

Participant C: “We just took it. No monku (complaints).”

These Japanese culture-specific values have been discussed elsewhere. For example, Homma-True (1997) discussed how gaman is often passed on within families to the next generation to teach coping skills during difficult circumstances. Thus, many JAOAs maintain and implement traditional Japanese values and coping mechanisms throughout their lives.

Social functioning

Social functioning also was identified as instrumental in successful aging by our JAOA participants. The following are examples recorded during the word-association phase in our study: “Having friends around you,” “[finding] the right crowd,” “be around people,” and “mingle with the younger groups.” Subcategories of recreation and entertainment were important methods of optimizing social functioning, as our JAOA participants perceived peers who regularly engaged in recreational activities as aging successfully. They spoke of general entertainment activities U.S. (e.g., singing, dancing, going to movies) as well as traditional Japanese activities such as karaoke, shigin (poems), and hanafuda (card game). In several men’s groups, whether they agreed or disagreed, the topic of finding a girlfriend during one’s senior years also periodically arose during discussion.

Our participants also emphasized social learning factors in the context of how to age successfully. Several participants said they could emulate a person who is aging successfully. They also indicated that they could learn a lot from listening to their own elders. Success in performing social roles and culturally expected behaviors also was addressed. “Being a good father,” “a good husband,” “a good wife,” “living with children,” and “baby-sitting the grandchildren,” were specific examples raised in many groups.

Cognitive functioning

Cognitive functioning was discussed in almost all our focus groups. Participants spoke of using one’s mind (e.g., “The brain is so active and working all the time;” “Be alert”) or intellectual functioning (e.g.,” Good education;” “The person wants to learn more”) as significant factors of successful aging. Our JAOA participants perceived ongoing efforts to maintain high cognitive functioning in a creative way as seen in the following comment:

“I am a retired auto-mechanic. So, I still fix my own car. But, thing is [that], when I do the job, I like putting all the nuts and bolts in one can. So, when I finish the job, you know, nuts and bolts should and must be all empty from the can. If some in there, that means [that] I forgot some…” (laughter from the group ensues).

Many participants also believed gaining new knowledge is an important component of successful aging. In one of the women’s groups, a participant suggested gaining up-to-date medical knowledge as an example: “You know like bone density, how do we know what we are doing for osteoporosis, if you don’t have a test.?” Many participants suggested both individual (e.g., “You’ve got to read a lot”) and group (e.g., “Attend a workshop”) mental activities to gain new knowledge.

Spirituality

A spirituality dimension of successful aging also emerged in our focus group discussions. This dimension, and the financial dimension discussed next, were less emphasized in the groups than the previous dimensions, yet were still considered important components in successful aging by our participants. We found several subcategories related to spirituality: Religion, internal peace, faith, appreciation, and altruistic behavior. In terms of religion-specific elements, “Go to church,” or “Pray to God” were mentioned by our participants. A female participant said, “I find [that] going to church helps [me] a lot…You go in there and you feel really serene.” A few lower-acculturated male participants also mentioned his traditional Japanese religious practice: “Well for me, in the morning and at night, 100% I pray for my ancestor… I say that thank you so much for everything.” Another male participant spoke of his daily visits to the cemetery (hakamairi) to speak to his deceased wife.

Our participants also emphasized that internal peace and faith can bring happiness: “I know a lot of people who are living in solitude, and people who are in a convent, living like a hermit, very, very happy and wonderfully aging.” Given various hardships from their past (e.g., a sickness, internment), several participants stated that they appreciate the fact that they are alive. One Japanese-speaking woman said, “It is important to live with faith and appreciate that we are protected each day.” Having a sense of appreciation (e.g., “Grow old gracefully”) for living and the importance of altruistic behavior and helping a community though fund raising and volunteer work also were discussed in several focus groups.

Financial security

As with spirituality, in the present study finances also emerged as important, although to a lesser degree than physical, psychological, or cognitive factors of successful aging. Our JAOAs presented a variety of views regarding the importance of finances in successful aging. One extreme side was characterized by responses such as “Have a lot of money” or “Money is important.” The opposite idea also was observed through comments such as “Money does not always make you successful if you are not happy” or “Money is not everything.” Participants however, appeared to be have consensus about the idea of financial security (e.g., “Someone with some money;” “Financially stable;” or “Money…budget”).

In a discussion of WWII and their internment, many participants talked about the experience of losing everything and starting their lives over again. The following comments highlighted financial hardships. One participant said, “We were notified to move to the camp in a week. We were only allowed to take two suitcases.” Loss of belongings occurred even more suddenly for other people as found in statements such as “Those who lived in Terminal Island had everything taken away…they were told to leave right away.” A participant explained the post-war lives of Japanese Americans as follows; “…came back to L.A. or wherever they went to, we start all over again. Just like our parents and Nisei, they work very hard to establish to get born again, to help next generation, send to college…”

Discussion

The present study investigated the concept of successful aging using an emic-based inductive research methodology with Japanese American older adults. This culturally sensitive methodology allowed participants to fully express their perceptions of successful aging, as opposed to conventional quantitative methods that limit the parameters to be studied. Study participants perceived that successful aging involves multiple aspects of one’s life comprised of both universal and culture-specific elements: physical, psychological, social, and cognitive functioning, spirituality, and financial security. The model derived from the present study confirms several components described by previous multidimensional models (viz., Rowe and Kahn 1997; Phelan et al. 2004)—the physical, cognitive, psychological and social aspects of successful aging. In addition, the present model includes two additional dimensions –spirituality and financial security that were rarely addressed in quantitative investigations of the concept of successful aging.

Among the six dimensions (or themes) derived from our quantitative data, the dimension of physical functioning appeared to be the most important component as evidenced by participants’ frequent comments on health related issues such as exercise, diet, and activities. Rowe and Kahn’s (1997) model addresses physical aspects in two dimensions: avoiding disease and maintaining high cognitive/physical function, and emphasized the important roles of environment and behavior in determining risk for disease in later life. In Phelan et al.’s (2004) study, physical health was addressed in two items: “good health” and “absence of chronic disease.” Our participants expressed not only basic knowledge for maintaining good health and avoiding chronic illnesses and conditions (e.g., daily exercise), but also of their culturally-based behaviors (e.g., eating a traditional Japanese diet) and how these factors relate to their health status.

Although not directly addressed by Rowe and Kahn’s (1997) model, the role of psychological functioning in successful aging also was emphasized by our participants. In Rowe and Kahn’s model, the “avoidance of disease” dimension may have included psychological illnesses such as depression, anxiety, and addiction, however the extent to which psychological factors were included in that factor is unclear. Although they recognized the predictive power of perceived control (self-efficacy) in the component of “maintaining cognitive function,” Rowe and Kahn’s (1997) model still does not reflect a significant role for psychological factors such as perceived control or self-efficacy.

In contrast, Phelan and colleagues (2004) found that certain affective items were highly valued by their respondents. These items, endorsed as important by both Japanese Americans and Caucasians in their research, related to satisfaction, feeling good, and absence of loneliness and isolation. Phelan et al.’s study (2004) also indicated that psychologically-related concepts also were important including the ability to make informed choices, cope with challenges, and adjust to changes.

While both the present focus group and Phelan et al.’s studies (2004) stress the importance of psychological factors, differences were found for the subcategories of autonomy and independence between their dimension and ours. Phelan, et al.’s study represented autonomy as “Being able to meet all of my needs and some of my wants” and “Being able to act according to my own inner standards and values.” In their study, Whites endorsed more of these values than did Japanese Americans. In our study, participants emphasized the collectivistic Japanese cultural value of adjusting one’s needs to maintain group harmony rather than the individualistic emphasis on expressing one’s needs. In the present study, the importance of independence was presented by focusing on others (e.g., “Do not cause trouble [for] others”) rather than on oneself. Thus, the operational definitions of independence and autonomy as determined by Phelan et al. (2004) appear to be culturally-based and may not apply to all older adults, particularly those who maintain a collectivistic worldview, such as Asian Americans, Latinos and American Indians. Additional culture-specific psychological concepts such as gaman (endurance, perseverance), nintai (patience, endurance), and no monku (no complaints) frequently arose during our discussions of successful aging when participants shared their experiences of being interned during WWII, and the targets of discrimination such as racism and ageism, and exclusion.

The dimension of social functioning that emerged from our focus group discussion relates to Rowe and Kahn’s (1997) “engagement with life” component and two items from Phelan et al.’s (2004) framework: “Having friends and family who are there for me” and “Staying involved with the world and people around me.” JAOAs participating in our focus groups also indicated similar ideas: “Having friends around you” and “[finding] the right crowd.” As existing literature suggests, having strong social support and a social network appear to be major coping factors when people experience challenges and difficulties in their lives, especially in later life when they face many losses (e.g., Cohen et al. 2001; Helgeson 2003). In the 1995 follow-up assessment of the MacArthur Studies, among those identified as “high functioning older adults,” strong social ties were associated with less decline in functioning (Unger et al. 1999).

Although most of our participants were fairly acculturated, a few responses related to socialization and social relations appeared to be related to acculturation level. For example, depending on their acculturation level, participants talked about western or Japanese recreational/entertainment activities. These results were similar to the findings of Young et al. (2002) study of Japanese Americans in Seattle, where they preferred recreational activities that blended with their cultural values and traditions. In addition, participants who were less acculturated suggested that the Japanese traditional style of interrelationships such as engaging in culturally expected social roles, promoting other’s goals, and belonging to society (similarly described by Markus and Kitayama 1991) were essential elements of successful aging. On the other hand, those who were more acculturated often found a great deal of stress associated with engaging in such social interactions; they suggested that “not mingling only with Japanese [people]” as important in aging successfully.

Although “maintaining high cognitive/physical functioning” was identified as one of the three components of successful aging by Rowe and Kahn (1997), less emphasis on cognitive functioning was found in both Phelan et al.’s study (2004) and in our focus groups. Quantitative analyses of the data from the MacArthur Studies indicated that education was found to be the best predictor of continuously high cognitive performance among participants (Albert et al. 1995). Education is highly valued among Japanese Americans. The Issei often made sacrifices to provide for higher education to their Nisei children, who were deeply committed to being successful in education and their professions as means of being accepted by American society and to make their parents proud (Tomine 1991). Our sample reflects this emphasis, with almost 70% of Nisei participants who have higher educational backgrounds. In Phelan et al.’s study (2004) the cognitive factor was addressed in one item: continuing to learn new things, which was endorsed as important more by Whites (78.6%) than Japanese Americans (62.1%).

Although comments related to spirituality were subtle, this dimension appeared to be important in the present study and parallels the existing literature in spirituality. Pargament (1999) defined spirituality as a “search for the sacred” and “the heart and soul of religion,” encompassing both religious and non-religious elements. In a discussion of aging successfully, participants suggested some religiously-related ideas such as “Go to church” and “Listen [and] return to God” that can be associated with both Christian and Shinto practices. The importance of non-religious aspects of spirituality such as experiential, phenomenological, nature-oriented, moral and humanistic values on physical health have been discussed (Bussing et al. 2005). In the present study, similar values were represented: inner peace (e.g., “Being serene”); faith (e.g., “Be more faithful); altruistic behavior (e.g., “Care [for] other people with love”); and appreciation (e.g., “Grow old gracefully”).

Spirituality is not included in Rowe and Kahn’s (1997) model of successful aging, while Phelan et al. (2004) included one spiritually-related item: “Having a sense of peace when thinking about the fact that I will not live forever.” This item was rated by as important by both Whites (74.6%) and Japanese Americans (72%).

As found in the present study, spiritual beliefs and practices play an important role in maintaining one’s well-being and the ability to cope with stress. Neglect of spirituality in these previous models of successful aging may reflect the traditional tendency toward conventional scientific research in the U.S., which de-emphasizes the importance of spirituality in human life. Although specific spiritual beliefs and practices were raised during many of the focus groups, we did not specifically ask for religious or spiritual affiliation in our demographic questionnaire. This would be an interesting addition in future research.

Similar to the dimension of spirituality, discussion of financial issues arose after JAOA participants spoke of physical, psychological, social and cognitive functioning. They spoke of how having a lot of money or little money may affect the other areas of one’s functioning, particularly psychological functioning (e.g., “does it make people happy or worry?” A financial factor was not included in either Rowe and Kahn’s (1997) or Phelan et al.’s (2004) models of successful aging, which is interesting given that income in the MacArthur studies was found to be strongly associated with physical performance and was a significant predictor of physical decline (Seeman et al. 1994).

Whereas financial concern merits much attention given the current U.S. economy, JAOAs seem to have culturally-specific reactions to financial matters such as money, budgeting, and material belongings. Their perceptions about the importance of financial security may relate to their experiences as a group target by racism in the U.S. JAOAs and their immigrant parents worked hard to establish their roots in America and to restore their lost possessions after WWII. Even children of the internees were often affected by the history of WWII via what Nagata (1991) termed “transgenerational impact of trauma.” Thus, in addition to the growing financial concerns among the general senior population in the U.S, JAOAs may also understand the importance of financial security when defining successful aging because of their own economic upheaval and instability due to having experienced racism and discrimination throughout their lives. Today, many American seniors, especially racial and ethnic minorities, face financial concerns that will affect their retirement and influence their management of medical and long-term care. Thus, the area of financial security appeared to be essential in the concept of successful aging for our participants.

We acknowledge that this study has several limitations. First, this study focused on Japanese American older adults who were relatively healthy and high functioning individuals. They were recruited from two senior facilities where JAOAs are typically engaged in regular activities and interact with others. Thus, the model that emerged from the present study may not be applicable to JAOAs who are isolated, withdrawn, or who choose not to participate in research. Further, we did not specifically assess how level of acculturation may affect well-bring, which would be an interesting area of research for future study of ethnic minority older adults.

We recognize similarities between our model of successful aging and Hettler’s wellness model (National Wellness Institute 2009), that includes the following six interdependent dimensions: Physical, emotional, intellectual, social, spiritual, and occupational. As seen in Fig. 1, there some overlap between the two models, with the exception of Hettler’s occupational dimension, as it appears to focus on issues such as career choice, work satisfaction, job performance. Thus, investigating the relationship between successful aging and wellness is another area for future research.

The model generated from our study included six dimensions. Although the content of all six dimensions represented both Japanese culture-specific and non-culturally specific elements, findings suggest the need for further investigation of the conceptualization of successful aging. Future research should address the applicability of this model with Whites and other ethnic and racial minorities, especially given the growing numbers of Hispanic/Latino seniors. Findings from such studies will assist researchers in understanding the cultural variations that occur in the conceptualization of successful aging, which can inform professionals who provide services to older adults.