Governmental interventions and household behavior in a developing country: Anticipating the unanticipated consequences of social programs☆
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Mobile financial services and financial inclusion: Is it a boon for savings mobilization?
2017, Review of Development FinanceCitation Excerpt :Empirical literature on financial sector development and economic growth has evolved alongside the theoretical literature. Initial contributions used the household survey data to analyze the methods and extent to which households in developing countries are able to insure themselves against risk through mechanisms such as informal inter-household transfers, state-contingent loan repayments, marriage and precautionary saving (Rosenzweig and Wolpin, 1982; Deaton, 1991, 1992; Townsend, 1994; Udry, 1996). Other recent empirical studies have also revealed that the poor families in the informal economies of developing countries actively manage their financial lives by engaging in precautionary and commitment savings (Dupas and Robinson 2013a, 2013b; Brune et al., 2011).
Taxation, human capital formation, and long-run growth with private investment in education
2011, Journal of Asian EconomicsCitation Excerpt :During the period of 1970–1996, life expectancy in Indonesia increased significantly, from 47.9 to 65 years. Rosenzweig and Wolpin (1982), in a study of the Indian economy, find that rural households in India view schooling and health as complements. As a consequence, they conclude that the provisions of health improvement are mutually reinforcing alternatives for implementing policies that seek to jointly lower population growth rates, child survival, and augment schooling.
Child labor, education aid, and economic growth
2009, Journal of MacroeconomicsChapter 52 Population Policies, Fertility, Women's Human Capital, and Child Quality
2007, Handbook of Development EconomicsCitation Excerpt :Hypotheses can be proposed to account for how parents treat different outcomes, as substitutes for children, or as complements. Reduced form studies have examined data from India (Duraisamy and Malathy, 1981; Rosenzweig and Wolpin, 1982), Colombia (Rosenzweig and Schultz, 1982), Bangladesh (Hussein, 1989), Cote d'Ivoire and Ghana (Benefo and Schultz, 1996), for example.6 Some evaluations of family planning programs estimate the fertility effect of local expenditures or field staff time per woman of childbearing age, as in Taiwan and Thailand (Schultz, 1973, 1992), while controlling for household characteristics which are assumed to be exogenous determinants of fertility demands.
School subsidies for the poor: Evaluating the Mexican Progresa poverty program
2004, Journal of Development EconomicsCitation Excerpt :Other studies that have sought to estimate the effect of a reduction in the cost of schooling on fertility have found that the income uncompensated cross-price effect is negative and outweighs the associated (positive) income effect of this reduction in the price of schooling. The empirical literature has concluded that the number of children and child schooling appear to be substitutes for families in low-income countries (Rosenzweig and Wolpin, 1980, 1982; Schultz, 1997). In the Mexican panel sample analyzed here, I could find no statistical evidence that poor women who had a Progresa–Eligible child who had completed grades 2 through 8 were more likely to have a birth in the six months preceding the last survey in November 1999 than comparable women residing in a non-Progresa locality.24
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This research was supported in part by contract AID/OTR-G-1723 from the Agency for International Development.